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References to Sovereignty:
http://www.firearmsandliberty.com/antifederalist/theantifederalistpapers.pdf
Antifederalist No. 39 APPEARANCE AND REALITY-THE
FORM IS FEDERAL; THE EFFECT IS NATIONAL
The exercise of sovereignty does not consist in choosing masters, such as the senators would be, who, when chosen, would be beyond control, but in the power of dismissing, impeaching, or the like, those to whom authority is delegated.
References to Tax Man:
http://www.freedomforallseasons.org/ConstitutionalRelatedReports/Constitution%20-%20George%20Washington%20Jailer%20And%20Tax%20Collector..htm
The old Union was a confederacy, a kind of government of States, where each State retains its "sovereignty, freedom and independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right." The implicit purpose of the United States of America, with respect to the people of the states, was to preserve, protect and defend the sovereignty, freedom, independence and God given rights of the people in the states. The Articles of Confederation were good enough to beat Great Britain, but in the opinion of George Washington and his cronies, known as the Founding Fathers, they had to be repealed or replaced by a constitution that would allow the government to tax ordinary people. The Articles of Confederation confirmed the sovereignty of the States to be States and the inhabitants of the state to remain free. The United States, in Congress assembled could not possibly have the power to legislate for the People of the State or the inhabitants within the state, because such power would destroy the "sovereignty, freedom and independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right" of the States of the United States of America.
All Presidents since George Washington have held the statutory office of president found in Title 3 of the United States Code. That Presidential statutory authority is represented by the official residence of the President—The White House. The legislative branch has created an "executive mansion" for its legislative/chief executive and President of the United States of America under the Articles of Confederation. The Office of President of the United States is a true dictatorship. There are no qualifications for that Office and there is no definite term of Office. Residence in the White House is the accepted notice of retirement from the Office of President of the United States. The old one leaves just as a new one moves in. Title 3 Section 20 of the United States Code requires a written resignation delivered to the Office of the Secretary of State, so without a written resignation a President of the United States never really leaves office.
The United States Supreme Court, as a statutory creation, does not establish nor can it represent an independent third branch of government. Since Washington became the first President of the United States, any and all "judicial" appointments have been made by a President of the United States, who is not granted any power to appoint judicial officers. The President of the United States is also President of the United States of America under the Articles of Confederation. The courts that could be created pursuant to the Articles of Confederation were limited to issues involved in captures and piracies on the high seas.
On the date of enactment, September 24th, Section 2 of the Judiciary Act of 1789 divided the new Union, the United States into thirteen districts. The division of the United States into thirteen districts, when only eleven States had ratified the Constitution, confirms that the United States, as the new Union, consists of the territory and other property belonging to the United States of America. Eleven of the districts were named for the States that had ratified and the remaining two were named for Kentucky and Maine. On September 24, 1789, the territorial jurisdiction of the United States district courts for the districts of Kentucky and Maine could only be territory and other property belonging to the United States of America. The territorial jurisdiction of those two courts would not change when Kentucky was admitted into the Union on June 1, 1792 and when Maine was admitted on March 15, 1820.
Today, the modern Constitution of the United States can be recognized in Chapter 5 of Title 28 United States Code, the Judiciary and Judicial Procedure. The territorial composition of the district and divisions of the federal district courts are shown in Sections 81-131 of Chapter 5. In those sections are found all names of the 50 States now in the Union created by the Constitution. We know that the districts and divisions are composed of territory and other property belonging to the United States of America, because Puerto Rico is the State identified in Section 119. Puerto Rico is a "federal" State but not a State of the United States of America. Puerto Rico has non-voting Representatives in Congress and no Senators in the Senate. Title 3 of the United States Code specifically excludes Puerto Rico as a State. Washington, D. C. is a federal State, but not a State of the United States of America.
The "one supreme Court" of Article III of the Constitution is ordained and established by the ratification of the Constitution, which provides that the holder of the Office of President shall appoint the Judges of the supreme Court. The perpetual vacancy in the Office of President caused by George Washington’s precedent setting refusal "to support this Constitution," by taking the proper oath of Office, has prevented the establishment of a real judicial court system. The courts established pursuant to the Judiciary Act of 1789 can only be legislative courts exercising "legislative power" derived from the proprietary authority over territory and other property belonging to the United States of America. They cannot be independent judicial courts exercising the judicial power of the United States of America, because, among other reasons, the power of appointment of the Judges of the supreme Court was granted to an Office of President that has remained vacant for almost 220 years. The President of the United States it should be noted appoints Justices not Judges to the supreme Court.
Reference to Jesuits in (Anti) Federalist Papers:
http://www.barefootsworld.net/antifederalist.html#afp41-43A
No. 40 – On The Motivations And Authority Of The Founding Fathers
Anti-Federalist No. 40 is a compilation of articles.
It was a common saying among many sensible men in Great Britain and Ireland, in the time of the war, that they doubted whether the great men of America, who had taken an active part in favor of independence, were influenced by pure patriotism; that it was not the love of their country they had so much at heart, as their own private, interest; that a thirst after dominion and power, and not to protect the oppressed from the oppressor, was the great operative principle that induced these men to oppose Britain so strenuously. This seemingly illiberal sentiment was, however, generally denied by the well-hearted and unsuspecting friends of American liberty in Europe, who could not suppose that men would engage in so noble a cause thro' such base motives. But alas! The truth of the sentiment is now indisputably confirmed; facts are stubborn things, and these set the matter beyond controversy. The new constitution and the conduct of its despotic advocates, show that these men's doubts were really well founded. Unparalleled duplicity! That men should oppose tyranny under a pretence of patriotism, that they might themselves become the tyrants. How does such villainy disgrace human nature! Ah, my fellow citizens, you have been strangely deceived indeed; when the wealthy of your own country assisted you to expel the foreign tyrant, only with a view to substitute themselves in his stead. . .
But the members of the Federal Convention were men we been all tried in the field of action, say some; they have fought for American liberty. Then the more to their shame be it said; curse on the villain who protects virgin innocence only with a view that he may himself become the ravisher; so that if the assertion were true, it only turns to their disgrace; but as it happens it is not truth, or at least only so in part. This was a scheme taken by the despots and their sycophants to bias the public mind in favor of the constitution. For the convention was composed of a variety of characters: ambitious men, Jesuits, tories, lawyers, etc. , formed the majority, whose similitude to each other, consisted only in their determination to lord it over their fellow citizens; like the rays that converging from every direction meet in a point, their sentiments and deliberations concentered in tyranny alone; they were unanimous in forming a government that should raise the fortunes and respectability of the well born few, and oppress the plebeians.
PHILADELPHIENSIS
Discrepancy in the words published, and attributed to PHILADELPHIENSIS:
http://americainclass.org/sources/makingrevolution/constitution/text4/antifedphil.pdf
Philadelphiensis III. December 5, 1787___
MY FELLOW CITIZENS,
Are you disposed to hear plain arguments, simple truths, and pure facts? If you are, then let me tell you through the voice of reason that the preservation of your little ones and yourselves, the love of mankind in general, and the liberty of your dear country now demand your most serious attention. The peace, the freedom, and happiness of the present generation, and possibly many succeeding ones, are the great subjects now under discussion. Was there ever such an important time for America as this is? Can there be greater objects than these are, presented to the human understanding? I say there cannot; and I affirm it, that there is not a man in the United States, except some base assassin or mean coward, who can be indifferent on this momentous occasion. Is there anyone now among us who can remain unconcerned or neutral? If there be, I say he is not a man. No, certainly he is unworthy of that character. Such a wretch can have no claim to the title of a free citizen of America. He is a pitiful sycophant [servile follower], a cringing spaniel, a menial slave. . .
It was a common saying among many sensible men in Great Britain and Ireland in the time of the war that they doubted whether the great men of America who had taken an active part in favor of independence were influenced by pure patriotism that it was not the love of their country they had so much at heart as their own private interest that a thirst after dominion and power and not to protect the oppressed from the oppressor was the great operative principle that induced these men to oppose Britain so strenuously. This seemingly illiberal sentiment was however generally denied by the well-hearted and unsuspecting friends of American liberty in Europe, who could not suppose that men would engage in so noble a cause through such base motives. But alas! the truth of the sentiment is now indisputably confirmed. Facts are stubborn things, and these set the matter beyond controversy. The new constitution, and the conduct of its despotic advocates, show that these men’s doubts were really well founded. Unparalleled duplicity! that men should oppose tyranny under a pretense of patriotism [so] that they might themselves become the tyrants. How does such villainy disgrace human nature! Ah, my fellow citizens, you have been strangely deceived indeed, when the wealthy of your own country assisted you to expel the foreign tyrant only with a view to substitute themselves in his stead. . . .
In the first place then [the constitution] does not protect the people in those liberties and privileges that all freemen should hold sacred — the liberty of conscience, the liberty of the press, the liberty of trial by jury, &c. are all unprotected by this constitution. And in respect to protecting our property, it can have no pretensions whatever to that, for the taxes must and will be so enormously oppressive for supporting this expensive government that the whole produce of our farms would not be sufficient to pay them. . . .
For a new country to become strong and energetic so as to be able to repel a foreign foe, the government must be free and patriotic, and the people must be wealthy and well-affected to it. Now if these requisites be wanting [lacking], that country is in jeopardy every moment. In fact it is on the direct road of falling a prey to the surrounding nations. In this miserable predicament, then, must America stand if we adopt the new constitution . . . .
Crime of the millennium exposed:
No. 71 – The Presidential Term Of Office
Part 1:Luther Martin, The Genuine Information , 1788
Part 2:An excerpt from the 18th letter of AGRIPPA appearing in The Massachusetts Gazette on February 5, 1788.
Part 3: From by A CUSTOMER in the Maine Cumberland Gazette, March 13, 1788.
By our original articles of confederation any alterations proposed, are in the first place to be approved by Congress. - Accordingly as the resolutions were originally adopted by the convention, and as they were reported by the committee of detail, it was proposed that this system should be laid before Congress for their approbation; but, Sir, the warm advocates of this system fearing it would not meet with the approbation of Congress, and determined, even though Congress and the respective State legislatures should disapprove the same, to force it upon them, if possible, through the intervention of the people at large, moved to strike out the words "for their approbation" and succeeded in their motion; to which, it being directly in violation of the mode prescribed by the articles of confederation for the alteration of our federal government, a part of the convention, and myself in the number, thought it a duty to give a decided negative.